If the aim of these lines were the collection of images, signs, beliefs, names, and exotic rites that remained on the margins of Christian symbolism — which, unfortunately, is usually the sole objective of most works on Basque religiosity — we would content ourselves with observations as outlandish as the following:
“Many times she (Mari), they say, has been seen crossing the skies in the form of a fiery sickle toward the chasms of Aralar, Aizkorri, or Odebe (Alsasua). Upon entering any one of them, she produces a tremendous din, like a strong and prolonged clap of thunder (Segura).”
(José Miguel de Barandiarán: Complete Works, II, 16).
“There are several chasms in the Basque Country which, according to what is said, serve as dwellings for certain animals and monsters that have occasionally made themselves visible. In Lizarza (Gipuzkoa), it is said that in former times a small red bull would emerge from the chasm called Leiza-suloa, located on the mountain known as Lapar.”
(Ibid., 20).
“The old man (a gentil) said to them: Kixmi has been born and the end of our race has come; throw me into the nearby precipice. And his people hurled him down the rocks (…) They say that in the language of the gentiles Kixmi means Monkey.”
(Ibid., I, 132).
There is no doubt that accounts such as those cited above should not be undervalued. One must bear in mind, however, that although these accounts shed significant light on the issue, the fact that such tales and myths are reproduced edly without being subjected to proper atization proves more negative than positive from a research standpoint. Thus, the most significant aspects of ancient Basque paganism should be sought less in this type of narrative than within Christian onomastics and semiology, due to the fact that the former are neither as ancient nor as much a “survival” as might initially be supposed.
Basque Christianity rests upon four ideological foundations:
- Old Testament
- New Testament
- Indo-European (Roman) mythology (ideology)
- Basque mythology
The first three have exerted their imprint here just as they have in any other Christian country in the world. The fourth, however, may be regarded as distinctive, even though it may similarities with those of other regions. In any case, the third is undoubtedly the most decisive foundation at the origin of the complex known as “Basque Christianity.”
Christian orthodoxy did not take root among the Basques through the reading of the Bible, but through the work and grace of the triumph of the normative authority of the Holy Mother Church of Rome. Nevertheless, this is not a feature unique to Basque Christianity; it is a characteristic of Christianity worldwide as a whole.
Consequently, at the origins of Basque Christianity we would find two principal ideological sources: one channeled through Basque mythology and the other channeled through Indo-European mythology by way of the Church.
Knowing what the principal messages of each of the two ideologies are, one can readily perceive how they sometimes stand in open conflict, even within apparently neutral narratives, in cases where two contradictory messages have had to be reconciled. Let us therefore break down the main contents of these two fundamental ideologies.
The Indo-European elements of significant value that have come down to us through the intermediary of the Church of Rome are the following:
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Caste . Ecclesiastical activity is held by a priestly caste. The male priest is the specialist of worship. He gathers the faithful under his authority and is the sole person competent to celebrate the major rites.
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Spectacular imagery. Epiphanies, luminosity, lightning, ascensions, etc.
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Heavenly reference. Heaven is the seat of God and his celestial retinue; from Heaven come the signs that reveal the fluctuations of his divine mood.
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Normative victory. The laws of the Church of Rome regulate the entirety of the Christian’s existence. They determine which are the major celebrations, and when and how they must be carried out.
On the other hand, Basque mythology offers the following elements:
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The cosmology of Mari. A cosmological cycle, an image and explanation of the physical world, according to which:
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the sky is not the seat of anyone, but merely the stage for certain apparitions;
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the seat of the terrifying powers of nature lies underground;
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the forces of nature are not at the disposal of one god or another for the purpose of punishing mortals. These forces are endowed with their own personality and may be harmful or beneficial, with it being within our power to make beneficial use of them.
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Vital model in the gentil cycle.
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From the standpoint of human conduct, two principal values stand out: work and solidarity.
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With regard to human relationships, the remembrance of the dead and responsibility toward them (see Death).
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These, in summary, are the contents of the two referential s that give rise to Basque Christianity.
With this in mind, we now proceed to analyze some old narratives. Those we are about to present appear humble; the first ones do not display the exoticism of the ancient, yet beneath a Christian veneer a clear subversion of orthodox Christianity emerges upon analysis. Here is the first:
“A shepherd was ing in the shade of beech trees. While he slept, his flock scattered across the mountain of Okina. Night began to fall. Most of the sheep took shelter in a rocky cave. The shepherd went to look for the missing ones, moving toward where he thought their bells sounded. He arrived at that spot; he still heard the sound but saw no sheep. The bells rang under his feet. He moved forward and fell into the bottom of the Okina chasm. There were mysterious sheep whose bells rang like his own. The shepherd said a prayer: ‘Holy Virgin of Aránzazu, protect me.’ He was unharmed, and the next day he appeared under the bell tower of the Aránzazu sanctuary, thirty kilometers from Okina.”
(José Miguel de Barandiarán, Obras completas, II, 372)
A second account about Okina complements this one:
“A shepherd who had lost a sheep entered the cave, entrusting himself to the Virgin of Aránzazu. All night he walked through those dark cavities; at dawn he found himself at Arantzazu…”
(Ibidem, II, 370)
Several explanatory conclusions emerge. The Basque Virgin is linked to the underground world, questioning her Christianity. Knowing that Mari lives in the Okina chasm, where could a Virgin of Aránzazu connected by a subterranean passage derive her power? Over the centuries, the Church of Rome appropriated, throughout Euskal Herria and Europe, entrenched female deities, transforming them into Mary mother of Jesus according to Indo-European models. Yet, the radiant, angel-surrounded Mary of the Church seems not to have achieved resounding success among the Basques:
“The Virgin of Aránzazu is absent many nights from the sanctuary where she usually resides… The reason for her outings was the needs and dangers of her devotees… Often it was observed that at dawn, returning from her nocturnal journeys, her garments were covered with sand and wet from seawater…”
(Ibidem, II, 225)
This illustrates the strength of the ancient image within the new religion. Certain aspects of Basque Christianity even question the essence of Christianity itself. The fact that gentiles were often more reliable than Christians is significant.
Consider the Mass, central to Christian society. According to Church orthodoxy, the Holy Mass celebrated by a priest is the apex; the faithful gather to worship God and witness the mystery of the Eucharist. Yet, until our grandparents’ generation, the Church of Rome failed to make this universally true. In rural areas, church practice bore little relation to Christianity. The family cult of the dead was central.
“Some believe in Berastegi that when someone dies, their soul needs light to walk well on the path to heaven… Two years ago, the rector of the church ordered that only two or three lights be lit… The people did not accept this and he had to it four or five times from the pulpit…”
(José Miguel de Barandiarán, II, 221)
Even minor popular beliefs subtly challenged the priest’s power:
“It is believed that the amount collected from small alms of many people has a mystical force… For example, a Mass for the healing of a sick person is more likely to succeed if the stipend was collected among neighbors.”
(Ibidem, Y, 83)
This underscores the value of neighborhood solidarity rather than priestly authority. Rituals and conjurations performed at entrances to Mari’s caves the same principle: if Mari was trapped, the weather would be favorable; if outside, nothing could avert misfortune. Basque Christianity thus challenges priestly leadership and Church dominance, visible even in the use of the temple.
“Jarleku [seat]. In some regions, each house had a sepulcher in the church for centuries… Various rites were performed, including recitations, chants, offerings of lights, food and money for the dead… The jarleku represents an adaptation of an indigenous custom to Christian liturgy and vice versa…”
(Ibidem, Y, 125)
Basque Christianity preserves domestic cults and collective neighborly responsibility. Obligations, responsiveness, and solidarity remain central.
“Every August, five neighbors of Kortezubi go house to house collecting alms for Saint Anthony… Each house provides water which is blessed and used for animals and food.”
(Ibidem, II, 160)
“Near the Igone farmhouse is a stone with a hole resembling a human footprint… The alms collector must deliver them to a church or chapel.”
(Ibidem, II, 107)
Finally, two stories open contradiction Basque ideology and the Church:
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Javier de Artiñea parodied communion but was unharmed because domestic space is inviolable.
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Working on a holy day is punished by natural phenomena: a couple and their oxen are buried by a rock at Markola (or a spring at Lezia), emphasizing moral order and the value of gentile labor.
Thus, despite Christian form, ancient traditions remain deeply rooted, expressed through solidarity, ancestor worship, and domestic sacred space.