It is evident that these establishments served as "Basque Centers," establishing themselves as new places of meeting and social cohesion, although, as we have already mentioned, the manifestations of this community were not solely closed. These were generally settings formed from pre-existing potential within the community. On the one hand, the need of the newcomers for a place to spend their first nights; on the other, the possibility of abandoning the counter of the general store in search of a more comfortable and—why not?—at first, less cosmopolitan place. Third, to take advantage of the presence of fellow countrymen who were demanding—until then, free of charge—a place to or eat until they settled in. These were informal gatherings, open to the rest of society, and which complemented—and even provided a physical space for—other mechanisms such as hiring fellow countrymen, weddings, and so on. almost exclusively male-dominated spheres, except for the case of parties in hotels during the last quarter of the period; egalitarian—in the sense that attendance was not subject to economic or social position—and in which each attendee's connection was spontaneous, only compromised, if you will, by the feeling of being a "client" of a place. We are convinced that the Basque hotel housed and served anyone without distinction, but that its clients and local society identified it—until at least 1940—as a "symbol" of the Basque community. The hotel owner, generally a person with long-standing roots and recognized in the community for his socioeconomic trajectory, may have had a lot to do with this.
The establishment's name, the cultural aspects (food, traditional sports, etc.) it offered, and its services allowed it to survive its initial stage as a business. Later—and as we will see in the section on hotels—when the hotel was a point of reference among the Basques, the increasingly refined atmosphere of the clientele—which did not alter the Basque-speaking atmosphere—ensured its greater profitability. Despite the cohesion that was established within them, we are convinced that rather than delaying the integration of the Basques into local society, inns, hotels, and pelota courts accelerated it. However, they may have delayed the emergence of Basque centers. It is no coincidence that the Gure Etxea Basque Centre in Tandil opened in 1949, and that they sprang up in most of the towns in the province from 1940 onwards. If the first Basques were quickly transformed into neighbours - obscuring their foreign status - and then the Basque inns and hotels became environments of ethnic - but open - sociability, there were few possibilities left for those who arrived 1900 and 1920 to avoid travelling - at least in the interior - along paths that inevitably led to early assimilation.
Now, why didn't the Basque immigrant have their own institutions and was content to simply visit the hotels and inns run by fellow Basques? What is the relationship the fact that the few Basque institutions of the period emerged in places with a high population density, such as Buenos Aires and Rosario? First, we must recognize that, both today and in the 19th century, attendance at institutions has always been a minority. And there was, certainly, a handful of Basques who participated; it just so happens that those institutions belonged to the Spanish and French, nationalities in which Basques were historically accepted as natural and appropriate. Second, we must analyze the different types of "ethnic" institutions possible—at that time—and, no less importantly, what they offered. The most notable institutions founded by some Basque groups settling in our country were the Mutual Aid Societies; also the Banks; and finally, the hospitals. Exceptionally, some groups—Danes and, to a certain extent, Irish—also had educational establishments, while others formed sports institutions. We have already mentioned that the Basques participated—except in Bahía Blanca—in Spanish and French mutual funds, either as members or as directors; with respect to banking institutions, they did so indiscriminately in Spanish or national banks. The only attempt to found a Basque bank to channel the hundreds of contributions from Basque farmers, and primarily dairy farmers, was quickly unsuccessful; the reasons for this were: the Basques were already handing their savings over to established banking institutions. In the interior, we have seen how the Basques entrusted their savings to hoteliers and innkeepers—later, in our century, to farms—while seeking loans from fellow Basques, natives, or other immigrants. But in the port city, it is understandable that many Basques have participated in some way in these institutions. We have already seen some examples of Basque participation that, while not representing a majority, have served as an example of Basque action in this regard. But there were many more; even notably more evident in the city of Buenos Aires. Martín Berraondo Irigoyen, from Gipuzkoa, was one of the founders of the Spanish Benevolent Society and the Spanish Hospital (1852). He also figured in the creation of the Spanish Club (1852), of which he was president in 1878, 1879, and 1882, and of the Spanish Bank of the Río de la Plata (1887). Toribio Ayerza, also from Guipuzcoa, arrived in Argentina in 1840 and became president of the Spanish Association of Mutual Aid of Buenos Aires 1861 and 1869. Lucas de Ayarragaray, also from Guipuzcoa, arrived in Argentina in 1849 to set up shop as a merchant in Paraná; there he founded the first branch of the Spanish Society of Mutual Aid in 1859.